Matrilect

However, as a satellect moves closer to its matrilect, it would seem as though the reverse process should take place: the rules should become more restrictive, less simple. The speakers would at first over-generalize; they would have rules which would permit utterances which were outside the limits of acceptability in the matrilect. Such rules would have to be restricted as the satellect approached its matrilect.

If one parent remains culturally dominant, however, the creole becomes a satellite ('satellect' or 'acolutholect') to that dominant language, which may be termed the 'matrilect'. In time, the creole normally begins recreolizing with the matrilect by borrowing from it. The different degrees in which the matrilect has been mixed into the creole consititute a 'gradatum' of overlapping systems in which the farthest from the matrilect at any moment is termed the 'basilect' by William Stewart.

The highest level of good English has been called the acrolect; the lowest level of poor speech, the basilect; both are contrasted with the matrilect, the general native language.

In the process, as substantial numbers of black speakers underwent decreolization, their decreolized speech, although technically a mimolect, would have much of the surface form and therefore social status of a true matrilect, and would itself then serve as an additional model for those speakers further behind in the decreolization process.

One colloquial variety of Afrikaans, called "Glaaitaal" (also known as "Tsotsitaal"), a highly syncretic slang, frequently spoken by younger generation black Africans in metropolitan areas and based in the Johannesburg area, amongst others, on Afrikaans as matrilect, has been investigated structurally and pragmatically to a limited extent, but not much is known regarding attitudinal aspects.

The Tariana preference to speak in matrilect to mother’s relatives, as reported by Aikhenvald, provides a strong comparative starting point for continued research on the norms of appropriate language use among Arawak Tariana and East Tukano speakers.

Sui children rapidly learn to distinguish these clan-related dialects; young children may speak a mix of matrilect and patrilect, but older children and teenagers are almost fully patrilectal (Stanford, 2008b).

Stanford finds that women from the South who marry into North households maintain their Southern pattern almost perfectly, and children acquire much of this matrilect in their initial language learning period of 3 to 5 years of age.